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It’s still Twitter.
It’s still the Kennedy Center.
It’s still the Department of Defense.
It’s still the Gulf of Mexico.
And Donald Trump is still a rapist.
ESSAYS
Ricardo @Ric_RTP
https://x.com/Ric_RTP/status/2061440269040373836″
This Google insider just revealed what AI is actually being used for behind closed doors. It has nothing to do with chatbots. Mo Gawdat was a senior executive at Google for over a decade. He watched AI get built from the inside. He was in the rooms, in the labs, in the government meetings in China that almost no Western executive was allowed into. And he just went on Diary of a CEO and said things that no active tech executive would ever be allowed to say publicly: “What the general public sees about AI is overhyped but ineffective. What the real geeks see inside the lab is genuinely world-changing.” The public gets chatbots and AI-generated videos while the labs are building autonomous weapons systems, military targeting technology, real-time surveillance infrastructure, and self-improving code that rewrites itself every microsecond without human oversight. As Mo put it: “As we speak, we are living in two major wars where AI is doing most of the killing.” He talked about Palantir’s CEO Alex Karp openly celebrating how his targeting technology identifies and eliminates people. He talked about the next generation of autonomous weapons costing $20,000 each, meaning any government with a $50 billion defense budget can literally rain drones on every corner of the planet. And as you remember, Anthropic was offered a $500 million military contract to allow their AI to be used for human targeting and surveillance. They refused and walked away from the money. OpenAI took the contract the following week. Mo’s response: “You have to start observing who is actually behaving in a way that makes AI work for humanity, and who is behaving in a way that makes AI work for their share price.” Now this is where it gets really interesting… In Mo’s documentary Chasing Utopia, Altman literally says directly on camera: “I suspect that AI is likely going to end humanity, but we’re going to create a lot of interesting companies in the process.” That is the CEO of the most powerful AI company on Earth saying that he suspects his OWN technology will end the human race and then shrugging it off because the business opportunity is too good to pass up. Mo’s prediction for the next decade: War, economic collapse, mass unemployment, surveillance expansion, and an absolute concentration of power at the top unlike anything in modern history. His prediction after that is if humanity survives the next 10 years, AI will eventually create a world of abundance where intelligence solves every problem we currently face. But the path between here and there is what terrifies him. And the men building the technology know exactly what they’re doing. Do you think he’s just exaggerating for attention, or is there truth in this?
ESSAY
Tony Seruga @TonySeruga
🎯 Deep Dive: The Quiet Coup Inside the NDAA
The Responsible Statecraft piece has put its finger on something genuinely significant — and the fact that this is happening inside a must-pass $1.15 trillion defense bill, buried at Section 224, tells you everything about how the permanent national security apparatus operates when it wants to avoid a public fight.
🏗️ What Section 224 Actually Does
This isn’t a tweak. Section 224 — titled the “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” — is a structural rewiring of the U.S.-Israel military relationship.
The provision authorizes $150 million annually from FY2027 through FY2029, but the money is almost beside the point. What matters is the architecture it builds:
– Bilateral R&D across AI, quantum computing, autonomous systems, directed energy, cyber, biotech, counter-drone systems, and missile defense
– Co-production and joint ventures with Israeli defense firms on U.S. soil
– Licensing agreements that embed Israeli-origin intellectual property into Pentagon programs of record
– “Network integration” and “data fusion” — which means U.S. military data flowing into Israeli systems and vice versa
– Pathways from R&D straight into procurement, bypassing the normal foreign aid oversight channels
The key phrase in the legislative text: technologies are to be identified for “integration into United States systems and programs of record.” That’s not foreign aid. That’s making Israeli defense tech a backbone of the U.S. military.
🔄 The Strategic Shift: From Aid to Embedded Infrastructure
The Quincy Institute’s Steven Simon has been tracking this for months. His brief, The Disappearing Aid Check, lays out exactly what’s happening — and it’s more sophisticated than most people realize.
The current model: Israel receives Foreign Military Financing (FMF) through the State Department, voted on annually by Congress. It’s visible. It’s politically accountable. People can argue about it.
The new model: Phase out FMF grants and replace them with Pentagon procurement accounts, industrial partnerships, and sustainment pipelines. Same money, different door — one with vastly less transparency.
The logic, as Simon documents, is being sold under an “America First” framing: this isn’t a handout to Israel, it’s an investment in American military readiness, industrial capacity, and jobs. Israeli co-production facilities in Mississippi and Arkansas become political leverage — members of Congress protect the jobs in their districts, and the relationship becomes structurally impossible to unwind.
This is the same playbook the military-industrial complex always uses: distribute the subcontracts across as many congressional districts as possible so no one dares vote against the program. Now they’re doing it with a foreign country’s defense sector.
🕳️ The Transparency Problem
The shift from State Department-administered FMF to Pentagon procurement is the move that should alarm anyone who cares about accountability.
Under the FMF model:
– Congress votes on the aid package publicly
– The State Department provides human rights certifications
– There’s diplomatic oversight and policy conditionality
– Public debate is possible
Under the Pentagon procurement model:
– Funding moves through budget justification documents and program element descriptions
– Oversight is limited to “cost, readiness, and capability” — bureaucratic criteria
– The relationship gets evaluated like any other weapons program, not as a strategic political commitment
– No diplomatic strings attached
As the Responsible Statecraft piece notes, this would give Israel “a higher level of military-industrial integration than the U.S. has with any other country in the world” — including NATO allies. Not even the Five Eyes partners have this kind of embedded access to U.S. defense procurement.
🧬 The Legislative Genealogy
This didn’t come out of nowhere. H.R. 7540 (Rep. Ronny Jackson, R-TX) and S. 3855 (Sen. Ted Budd, R-NC) were introduced as standalone bills in February 2026 with nearly identical language. When a standalone passage looked difficult, the provisions got folded into the NDAA — the classic maneuver for legislation that can’t survive public scrutiny on its own.
The JINSA (Jewish Institute for National Security of America) influence is unmistakable. Their “Partners in Production” report explicitly recommended deeper industrial integration and the addition of Israel to the U.S. National Technology and Industrial Base (NTIB). The FY2026 NDAA had already directed DoD to establish a working group to assess exactly that. Section 224 is the next logical step — and JINSA’s fingerprints are all over it.
⚠️ Why This Matters More Than the Dollar Figure
$150 million a year is a rounding error in a $1.15 trillion defense bill. But the institutional architecture this creates is permanent.
Once Israeli firms are embedded in U.S. supply chains, once Israeli-origin IP is inside Pentagon programs of record, once U.S. and Israeli military data networks are fused — disentanglement becomes economically and institutionally impossible. You can’t just stop the aid check. You’d have to rip apart procurement programs, break contracts, and rebuild supply chains.
That’s the point. This is designed to make the relationship irreversible — at precisely the moment when a growing number of Americans are questioning unconditional support for Israel’s actions in the region.
The traditional Israel lobby works through campaign contributions and media influence. This is more sophisticated: it works through the defense procurement bureaucracy itself, creating material interests that guarantee political support regardless of public opinion.
🗳️ What Happens Next
The House Armed Services Committee markup is scheduled for June 4, 2026. After that, the bill moves to the full House, then reconciliation with the Senate version.
Section 224 is currently in the base text — meaning it was put there by committee leadership before amendments or broader debate. That’s how the most consequential provisions get through: bury them in the chairman’s mark, count on the must-pass nature of the NDAA, and dare anyone to hold up the entire defense budget over one section.
Members who want to stop this have a narrow window: force a floor amendment to strike Section 224, or demand recorded votes that put colleagues on the record supporting the fusion of U.S. and Israeli militaries. The question is whether anyone has the stomach for that fight when the pro-Israel apparatus in both parties remains largely unchallenged.
The Responsible Statecraft piece is right to flag this. The quiet ones are always the ones that matter most.
ESSAY
Responsible Statecraft @RStatecraft
“At a time when the American public is expressing unprecedented levels of distrust in the Israeli government, Congress just proposed tying the U.S. to the Israeli military more than ever before.”
Here’s the story: https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/2060352199373287437.html
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